Monday, December 12, 2011

The Ireland Aid Country Programme in Tanzania: Implementation & Lessons


On the whole, gender mainstreaming in Ireland Aid supported programmes and institutions requires additional attention. For instance, at the programme level, gender mainstreaming is not easily evident in neither of the following components of the project cycle: pre-design phase documentation; in the programme design; in the targeting of beneficiaries; in the objectives; in indicators; in use of gender specialists; in promotion of gender specific activities; in linkages of the programme to Gender and Development or Tanzania’s commitments; and in the empowerment of women.  In other words, most of the programme level documentation is not consistent nor specific in addressing gender mainstreaming.

Gender mainstreaming in the Education sector activities

There exists a several gender diagnoses on the education sector, but it is uncertain whether these were adequately or exhaustively utilized in the design stages of the Education sector SWAp. This can partly be observed by the immediate gaps illustrated below. The Education and Training Policy of 1995 (ETP), has a specific chapter that addresses access and equity issues within education. The policy defines “access” to education as the opportunities available to the intended population (or more appropriately, young boys and girls), to partake in education. The policy thereafter defines “equity”, as the fairness availed in the allocation and distribution of education resources to the various members of communities in the country. The policy’s chapter on access and equity, which sets the platform for addressing gender imbalances within basic education, further elucidates the government’s resolve for guaranteeing access to pre-primary, primary education, and adult literacy, to all citizens as a basic right[1].

Moreover, the policy provides a brief analysis on constraints that affect the participation of women in the education sector (e.g., cultural preferences for educating male children, high drop-out rates due to early marriages and pregnancies and relatively low performance levels by girls in class and during final examinations when compared to boys), as well as provide measures for addressing these gender imbalances. In general, some of the measures have been accomplished to varying degrees, but as far as the sector is concerned, inappropriate designs of interventions and weak sectoral priorities have endowed Tanzanian children, girls in particular, with a low probability of attending secondary school, especially in upper secondary. The focus on girls’ education might be misinterpreted as a “WID” approach, but it is a necessary, short or medium term, gender balancing strategy to overcome unbridled male dominance in most areas.

The Education Sector Development Programme (ESDP).

This programme is designed to assist the government in the achievement of the long term human development and poverty eradication targets. The main objective of the ESDP related to basic education is “to provide for increased and equitable access to higher quality primary, secondary and adult education through improved education, institutional capacity and competence building, so as to obtain higher levels of economic and social development.” The main priority strategies towards this endeavour include: increasing spending on basic education; improving opportunities for secondary school education; promoting more demand driven and market oriented post-secondary and higher education; and, improving sector management and capacity to monitor progress through institutional development. As regards priority strategies on addressing gender imbalances, none exist other than gender neutral statements and actions on gross and net enrolment, retention, transition ratios, and school leaving performances. 

In all, strengths in gender mainstreaming in the education sector SWAp programme are visible in terms of use of gender specialists, whereby at present a Gender Technical Adviser is engaged in the ESDP process since April 2001; also a handful of projects and programmes in the sector (e.g., DBSPE, CSDP, COBET, etc) used them. Nevertheless, the impact of these specialists is limited by various factors. Other areas of marginal strengths are in gender awareness raising (seminars and workshops), gender analysis, gender focused identification of beneficiaries (e.g., girls and female teachers); gender sensitive design of project activities (e.g., FEMSA and FAWE activities) and gendered objectives (e.g., in the Education and Training Policy). There are signs of gender insensitivity as regards the formal content, outputs, activities, linkages, and general design. However, the most common weakness is lack of gendered outputs even where gendered objectives exist (e.g., in the ESDP and especially so in PEDP). The support towards education comprised of 11% of the Ireland Aid CSP frame.

However, a report by Cathy Gaynor, titled “Irish Aid Policy on Operational Footing”, showed how gender should be mainstreamed in the various activities supported by IA as regards the education sector.  The report acknowledged the need for paying attention to the girl child and women in education processes and systems as a way of mainstreaming gender in its programmes and projects. This report outlined the following key gender aware actions as imperative: 

  • Identifying the constraints which limit girls and women’s participation in education and training at all levels.
  • Provision of incentives as a strategy to promote access by girls and women to education and training opportunities, including non-traditional areas.
  • Introduction of support systems that will lead to retention of girls in schools so that they can complete and access other higher levels of learning. 
  • Promoting active dialogue with local and national authorities and other development partners in relation to policy and practice with regard to girls, women’s education and training.
  • The need to focus on women’s workload as it impacts girls and women’s education negatively. 
  • The aspects of monitoring and evaluation are also highlighted.
Ireland Aid has, since 1997, been providing support to Ministry of Education & Culture through the Whole School Development Programme (WSDP), which aim at improving school planning, curriculum reform facilitating information and communication flows. Nevertheless, the improvement of school curriculum does not always address gender stereotyping in the curriculum. Although Ireland Aid has also supported a program for institutional building for the Tanzania Institute of Education (TIE), since 2001, the support to IE does not place adequate emphasis on addressing gender concerns.

Ireland Aid‘s support has also been extended to a local NGO called “HakiElimu”, which has been advocating for the right to education for “all” children, without necessarily mentioning gender equality. For instance, the only area where women, as a category, are mentioned in the HakiElimu document, is where it emphasizes the need to also involve women in the decision making organs. HakiElimu’ s  strategic plan does not indicate if there will be special emphasis on women and young girls in taking this proactive role in education governance. HakiElimu does not show clear commitment in building the capacity of both women and girls so as to be able to take proactive role in education governance. The overall objectives of HakiElimu do not seem to take gender into consideration. It assumes every child has equal needs and hence should be treated equally. Reference is however made on ‘not discriminating children’, but again, this is not disaggregated along gender, ethnic group or class. At the level of implementation, participatory-planning process mentioned young people, women and people with disabilities. At output level, women are mentioned. In other words, gender is not steadily mainstreamed in the document.

The detailed budget of Ireland Aid, as indicated in the Strategic Country Programme, shows a substantial amount of funding is committed to the education sector. So far, the budget allocation to the education sector has ranged from 11.5% to 10.2% of the total Ireland Aid budget. The bigger proportion of the resources goes to PEDP, followed by HakiElimu and lastly is TIE.  

Gender mainstreaming in the Health sector activities

Ireland Aid’s support to the health sector has ranged from 16.6% to 20.5% of its County frame. The health sector receives the highest proportion of the Ireland Aid Country budget. It is undeniable that the development of gender sensitive public health services through SWAP modality, deserves credit.  The Health Sector Reform programme tries to reflect elements of gender responsive statements in regards to the vision, immediate objectives, activities, and indicators. However, the development objective which states “to improve health and well being of all Tanzanians especially indigent and most vulnerable groups” is not gendered. Although the reform process aims at improving the status of the majority of the poor women and men, it does not achieve this if statements binding it to addressing equal opportunities between women and men are missing.[2] Also, this is becomes difficult if the reform process does not guarantee so. However, there was a gender focal point appointed at the ministry to carter for gender mainstreaming. The gender focal point, a nominee from the Civil Service department, was established in the ministry within the department of Administration and Personnel.

The gender focal point liaison unit established a gender working group comprising of 5 people from other departments, namely those of: HSR-PHC, Budgeting, Planning, Administration and Finance. The positioning of the unit under the department of Administration and Personnel, is perceived as a constraint in regards to the lines of responsibilities and structures of the departments at the ministry. It is assumed that this makes it difficult for the unit to provide advice to other departments. The focal point team members, have not been relieved from their normal duties. This makes them seen the gender mainstreaming obligation as an added on duty (burden). Moreover, the team members are said to possess limited capacity in gender analysis. The focal point unit serves as a liaison officer with responsibility to address the following issues:
  • advise on rules and procedures on establishment governing employees of the ministry (e.g., looking at equal rights opportunities in relation to promotions, training, leave, allowances, housing, benefits to family including spouse etc);
  • gender sensitisation of various groups at different levels in the health;
  • influencing policy to engender it; and,
  • overseeing the situation of female employees as concerns promotion, leadership positions, and participation in planning within health programmes.

The Health Sector Reform (HSR), process in Tanzania applies the Sector Wide Approach method (SWAp)[3]. The efforts in the SWAp approach have seen the creation of a Gender mainstreaming Working Group on Health Issues (GMWG), which is a donor WID/GAD sub-group for addressing gender issues in the sector.

The group is there to ensure that all government agencies and institutions incorporate or mainstream gender into their activities. As regards the health sector, the GMWG has a mandate to mainstream gender into the health sector policy, its plans and implementation and finally, its follow-up.  In order to achieve this responsibility, the group has embarked on assessing how the current health sector reform process to inculcate a gender perspective. The aim is to determine opportunities for strengthening weaknesses in this regard. The GMWG has effected a two pronged approach which includes preparation of an issue paper on gender concerns in the health sector and the SWAp process; as well as taking active part in the Technical Review of the Health sector SWAp process. The issue paper dealt with the following aspects:

  • the creation of a framework for gender analysis of SWAp for the Health sector; and,
  • application of the proposed gender analysis framework to the Tanzania Health sector Review process.
A gender focus is critical in the development of any sectoral package in order to ensure that the specific needs of both women and men are met by the service offered. This is often a barrier to understanding the importance of gender as a factor of disadvantage in health and health care. According to the information above, the Health Sector Review process had a team that was involved in making sure that the M&E indicators in the health sector were gender sensitized. In addition the Health sector MTEF is regarded as being relatively gender sensitized.

Ireland Aid has continued to support Ministry of Health’s (MoH) efforts in transforming public health care services from its predominantly supply-driven role to becoming more responsive to health care needs and demands of all Tanzanians. Ireland Aid’s support to the health sector focuses on improving the health and well being of Tanzanians, especially those “most at risk”. Although the general objective does not mention gender, the specific objective focuses on supporting gender-sensitive public health services. The support is expected to encourage health systems to be more responsive to the needs of ‘people’ in order to raise the quality of life and alleviate poverty. This strategic focus has generalised terminologies like ‘most at risk’, ‘people’ and ‘well being of Tanzanians’, this terminology ignores the gender aspects as outlined in the report by Ms. Cathy Gaynor (1995).

Ireland Aid also supports the National Tuberculosis and Leprosy Programme (NTLP). This support is achieved through basket funding. However, the gendered nature of the diseases is not specifically addressed in the way the programme documents present this support. Support from Ireland Aid is also being targeted at up-scaling of Insecticide Treated Nets (ITNs) for malaria[4] prevention and control. The National Malaria Control Program (NMCP) implements the provision of ITNs. Furthermore, support from Ireland Aid is directed towards the mainstreaming of HIV/AIDS in the health sector. As in other programmes, the Country Strategy document is hushed on the gendered nature of HIV/AIDS, especially in regards to such dynamics as observed in areas of reproductive rights and sexuality.

Support to District Health Services development

As mentioned above, the thrust of the government reforms is decentralization of decision making and provision of health services to the districts, with the aim of bringing quality health care services closer to rural communities in Tanzania.  The Ireland Aid support to district health services acknowledges the biological role of women, as well as recognsing the importance of providing adolescents with information and methods of prevention of STI and in particular, HIV. On the other hand, it does not adequately reflect the different gender needs, it treats all adolescents as having similar health and reproductive health needs. Likewise it talks of district health staff without disaggregating their particular concerns in terms of gender as if they do not have different gender roles to play for as far as reproductive issues, STI and particularly, HIV are concerned. Generally, as in the previous sections, although gender is acknowledged as being a relevant variable in the health sector support, this recognition is improperly built-in into the various elements of the support targeted at this sector.

Gender mainstreaming in the Agriculture sector

The agricultural policy, inaugurated in January 1997, was brought about for four main reasons. These were: the merger of policies on agriculture and livestock; changes due to economic policy transformation; initiation of a new policy on land where farmers are advocated to change land use patterns; and the emphasis on environmental management and protection. On gender issues, the policy’s paragraph 2.4.3, states that, “It is estimated that the ratio of males to females in the agricultural sector is 1:1.5. Women in Tanzania produce about 70% of the food crops and also bear substantial responsibilities for many aspects of export crops and livestock production. However, their access to productive resources (land, water, etc.) supportive services (marketing services, credit and labour saving facilities, etc.) and income arising from agricultural production is severely limited by social and traditional factors.”7 In detailing the role falling upon the Ministry, the policy states that; “the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives will endeavour to target its extension, research, training and credit services to rural women in order to enable them to contribute effectively to agricultural production”.8 The question that looms large here is, how many of the staff in the ministry are capable of such a feat? How many of the staff, work groups, departments have the capacity to effect the mainstreaming of women farmers in agricultural activities? Among strategies chosen within the policy to alleviate the situation, are, labour saving technologies, cooperation among women, and “supporting their participation in planning and management of development programmes.”9

The ministry has previously benefited from gender mainstreaming through the Agricultural Sector Programme Support, ASPS, which resulted from an agreement between the governments of United Republic of Tanzania and that of Denmark.  Through the ASPS, gender aspects were expected to be addressed at a “more overall level through the proposed support to institutional strengthening within Ministry of Agriculture & Cooperatives.”[5] The programme was to “ensure that activities carried out under the ASPS give due consideration to issues of supporting the integration of women into the development process”. The support was supposed not to benefit the Danida supported activities only, “but … also enhance the gender awareness of staff in the Ministry of Agriculture & Cooperatives in general” In the Gender Analysis and sensitisation sub-component, of the Institutional Strengthening in the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives Agricultural Sector Programme support (ASPS)[6], it is mentioned that: “although gender issues at grassroots levels, at project level, in desegregation and collection of data, in courses, in research, and in extension activities, have been handled in preceding engagements, additional efforts are required”. The need was for full integration of gender issues into all activities engaged by the Ministry of Agriculture & Cooperatives. 

According to the present Agricultural Sector Development Programme, cross-cutting issues are addressed in paragraph 7.2., as a sub-programme 5.2. The sub-programme mentions vaguely that that guidelines shall be developed on mainstreaming of cross-cutting issues in agriculture. One of the outputs in 7.2.4., is “incorporation of gender issues in agricultural development interventions and in DAPs”, and interventions on gender incorporation of gender issues are given a total USD 579,690 in the 2002/03 to 2006/07 period. A component on development of “special programmes within DADPs for gender empowerment and access to credit, land, technology, markets and information developed.” is vague on how gender mainstreaming is to be effected.

However, recently (in April 2002), a sub-programme on gender mainstreaming was designed with facilitation from the MCDWAC. The sub-programme addresses gender mainstreaming in the overall ASDP programme[7].The sub-programmes aims at the following: institutionalisation and operationalisation of gender in agricultural development; establishing women and gender units in the organisational structures of lead ministries of central government and PORALG; gender awareness creation; establishing women and gender units in each district; guidelines for research; analysis of existing sectoral policies; and training of Heads of Gender Units.  Nevertheless, gender insensitivity is evident as regards the formal institutionalisation of location of responsibility on gender mainstreaming. There is no longer a gender focal point nor a gender team, but instead ad-hoc facilitation. This was caused by severe shortage of staff at the ministry after redundancy measures.

Moreover the larger part of the programme content, outputs, activities, and general design is weak in gender mainstreaming. Moreover, the most common weakness in this sector is also lack of gendered outputs even where gendered objectives exist. Ireland Aid support towards the agricultural sector comprised of 7% of the Ireland Aid CSP frame. As in the previous section, strengths are visible in terms of use of gender specialists, whereby various gender specialists have been engaged in the agricultural sector over the recent years. At one time there was a gender focal point attached to the Danida funded ASPS. Irrespective of these measures, the agricultural sector has had nominal impact on gender mainstreaming.

As we have seen above, the Government of Tanzania through Ministry of Agriculture & Food Security engaged the preparation of the Agricultural Sector Development Strategy (ASDS), which initially had a lot of shortcomings especially of excluding the small holder farmers, pastoralists, women and the HIV issues. Ireland Aid has contributed a great deal in reshaping the strategy as it was involved in the taskforce under the Food and Agriculture Sector Working Group (FASWOG) to oversee the finalization of the ASDS. Ireland Aid has also budgeted £ 450,000 to support the program out of which £ 50,000 has been disbursed in 2001 through its Support to Preparation of the ASDS. The Ireland Aid support strategy has included gender as one of its special focus. It has recognized the role played by women and youths in the agricultural development. It has ensured that they will be included in the consultation workshops and become the major beneficiaries.  However, it does not mention the strategies that will ensure that women and youths will be included or the kind of benefits they are expected to get as a specific group. When gender is included at strategy level, it but misses in the definition of the project overall goal and specific objectives it becomes problematic to measure the progress or even develop indicators to measure progress. In addition, focus on poverty alleviation just aim at raising the income of rural poor. This is gender neutral focus (e.g., it was supposed to put more emphasis on women and youths).

It is obvious that the Ireland Aid policy on gender mainstreaming, acknowledges the central role which women play in agriculture in most of the developing countries. Overall, the need to pay special attention to women in the agriculture intervention has been underscored in the document as regards this sector. Methodical incorporation of gender at macro-meso, technical and research and, at farm levels is also emphasized. Nevertheless, key gender aware actions to be addressed in agriculture support should include the following: women’s agricultural tasks in programs and projects compared to men; interventions that increases women’s workload; increase women’s access to resources and services such as credit, technology, training and extension; constraints faced as to the measures required to overcome them, which are: women’s control resources and benefits from their participation in programs; and, inclusion of gender disaggregated data in project monitoring and reporting. 

Gender Mainstreaming in the Natural Resource programmes

Irish Aid’s support to the natural resources sectors is focused to the Eastern Zone Client Oriented Research and Extension (EZCORE), and the Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation and Development Program (TCZCDP).

Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation and Development Program (TCZCDP)

This project has been developed by the Regional authorities in Tanga, who have resolved to apprehend the decline of the coastal resources, in alliance with the Eastern African Regional Office of the World Conservation Union (IUCN-EARO), and the Ireland Aid. The project is implemented by the Regional Administrative Officer’s office, the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, and, the Vice-President’s Office (Environment Department). IUCN-EARO provides technical and managerial assistance. The main objective of the program was: “Sustainable use of the coastal resources of the Tanga region for the benefits of present and future generations of residents, through a series of integrated activities aimed at conservation and collaborative management of coastal resources”. Districts covered by the project are: Tanga Municipality (Mwambani-Mchukuuni), Muheza (Kigombe) and Pangani (Kipumbwi).The project was implemented in three phases: starting with Phase One, between Jan 1994 to 1997; Phase Two, between 1997 and 2000; and, Phase Three, that began in 2001.

The Mid-Term Review of PhaseThree, shows that both broad and specific objectives were generally stated although some of them talk about ‘stakeholders’ who may include men and women. Existing reports do not show whether the Phase One period addressed gender mainstreaming specifically. Similarly, the Phase Two evaluation, does not detail as to whether the process effectively involved men, women and youths in the development of and implementation of plans, except it mentions the equitable participation of men and women in the planning and implementation of management plans. Nevertheless, the evaluation showed that there were calculated involvement of gender concerns in regards to gender balanced participation of women and men in the program districts, especially in Pangani District.

In the evaluation of Phase Three, gender was included as one of the evaluation variables. However, it is not known whether the focus of the review was intentionally targeted on gender as a cross cutting issue or simply an isolated integration item (e.g., if gender was the focus, then all the result areas would have shown how gender mainstreaming trickled down from the review objective). The Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation & Management Program is an unchallenged success story for the Ireland Aid supported projectsGender was systematically incorporated from the very beginning of formulating the project in analyzing problems, defining strategies, setting targets and developing monitoring indicators. The success of this programme has resulted from different factors: the management and project team on the ground was determined to mainstream gender; the team had the necessary skills; and, resources were sufficiently allocated to make gender mainstreaming happen. This case is a clear model for good practices in gender mainstreaming within Ireland Aid funded programmes.

The TCZCDP took into account gender concerns almost right from the initiation phase up-to the implementation phase.  Phase One, was termed the “listening” Phase, it was the period wherein the programme studied the situation of the community and analyzed the community needs from the gender perspective. A participatory socio-economic and resource assessment and the stakeholders workshops were conducted, which resulted in the development of priority areas that took into account the gender concerns in the program. Phase Two was called the “demonstration” Phase. This Phase developed collaborative fisheries management plans jointly with various stakeholders in the program. The program took into account the different status of men and women in the project areas. Then, Phase Three, called the “mainstreaming” Phase, implemented what was developed in One and Two. 

In Phase Three, views from different interest groups were considered focusing on improving gender equity[8] between men and women. Participatory methods were utilized in the collection and employment of gender disaggregated data in a wide range of activities. This ensured that gender equity became the focus of the project which resulted in the development of gender monitoring matrix that was used to ensure the equitable participation of women and men in the program. The gender monitoring matrix[9] developed enabled the monitoring of women participation in: analysis; decision making; negotiation; presence on committees; coastal resource use and management; and program effectiveness (e.g. material, technical, and educational assistance).

Gender mainstreaming in the District Development Programmes

Muheza District is earmarked for at least 10 years of Ireland Aid support through the District Development Programme support (DPP). At present they are completing their first 3 year DDP phase. It was observed that gender mainstreaming was somehow evident in the some of the project cycle stages. For instance at the pre-design phase (e.g., in the report of the District Appraisal Mission in 1997, cross-cutting issues were considered) consultations were held with community members including women.

It is claimed that during the development of the strategic plan, consultations were again held with both men, women and youth groups through PRA interventions. It was also alleged that objectives in the programme support documents aims at addressing women’s participation in decision making at village level, and increasing women’s capacity to address own problems through various committees at village level. It is evident in the strategic plan that the DDP overall objective states “improved and equitable access to socio-economic sources and increased production”. While the specific objective focuses at “equitable empowerment of women and men in building and sustaining their social economic life”. The programme matrix therefore has elements of gender in the form of activities targeting women (e.g., the training of village leaders in gender issues). The Master Logical Framework similarly addresses gender in the results (e.g., greater and more equitable empowerment of women and men in decision making and planning).

Gender mainstreaming was similarly somehow visible in use of gender indicators, e.g., the 1999 benchmarks or development indicators as regards education enrolment and participants in training of traders, or proportion of women in activities. The programme has also used gender specialists and women consultants (e.g., in formulation workshop of the Phase I and in a gender workshop), meanwhile there is currently a gender team existing within the council. Gender trainers (from Community Development Department – Gender Team), have been used to train councilors and heads of department. A semblance of gender activities does exist through village development committees, school committees, and water or health committees. NGO actors with a gender focus were engaged in promoting lending to women.  However, the programme is relatively male dominated as regards the staffing in the council. Out of 13 departments, only 1 is lead by a woman (the Trade Department). All of the chairpersons at the District Committee, District Council, Ward Development Committee levels are male. Female chairpersons are to be found only at the hamlet (8%), village government (1%), and village committee levels (3%).  

Discussions with the District Gender Team revealed that the council seems to be gender strong in regards to: attitudes towards gender mainstreaming (e.g., receptivity), and engendering of it staff (e.g., efforts to create gender awareness).  Gender mainstreaming is weak a regards: policies and implementation (e.g., no gender strategy and action plan at district level in the current plans), roles and responsibilities in gender mainstreaming (e.g., staff have no formal obligations for addressing gender issues), and flexibility for change (e.g., some male staff being stiff to changes). Debatable support for gender mainstreaming was seen to be present in the following: in staffing (e.g., no apparent targets for balancing the sexes in recruitment), in room for change (e.g., limited acceptance to desired changes to accommodate mainstreaming), and in decision making.

In total, although the Gender Team exists it is plagued with problems such as: lack of resources for coordination; non-formalised existence (e.g., not institutionalized); limited departmental membership (e.g., not all departments represented); and, inactivity in the current phase (e.g., limited action).  Moreover, gender mainstreaming has been mostly about following up on quantitative participation of women in certain activities (e.g., committees), and forgetting the promotion of qualitative aspects. Monitoring of changes and improvements has been generally lacking. Although cross cutting issue are said as being instrumental in endorsement of plans, there are no practical guidelines for gender mainstreaming at the district level. Perhaps these guidelines shall soon be achieved through the gender strategy and action plan designing exercise to be engaged in early June 2002[10].

Gender mainstreaming in the Ministry of Community Development Women 
Affairs & Children

Ireland Aid is funding a project at the Ministry of Community Development, Women Affairs & Children (MoCDWAC), under the title “Capacity Building for Promoting Gender mainstreaming and Women’s Development”. The principle input in the 3 year project is focused towards: training, equipment, technical support, funding for publishing, workshops and participation in international fora. Although the project was supposed to have begun in July 2000, the agreement was signed in May 2001, and funds released in May 2001 (utilisation of the first released funds, Shs. 106 million, started in June 2001).

The rationale to support the Ministry was motivated from the fact that it was viewed as enhancing the mandate of the ministry “to promote coordinate and monitor activities designed to ensure that women benefit fully from mainstream development programmes, particularly in the four critical areas”. A second argument was to empower the ministry “to carry out this mandate by providing it with necessary resources”. The support therefore is aimed at enabling the ministry, “particularly the Gender and Women’s Division to strengthen its own organisation and skills, prepare a strategy and action plan to promote gender equity and women’s development in consultation with other stakeholders, initiate strategic studies and reviews, and build the confidence of the other stakeholders to work with MCDWAC to carry out its mandate”.

Overall it can be said that the nature of the support is obviously very solid evidence of the gender mainstreaming goal within the Ireland Aid development cooperation endeavour. This support could be judged as a crucial milestone in measuring the commitment by Ireland Aid to engender development efforts in the partner country. It is a measure of good practice in promoting gender mainstreaming through a formalised and institutionalized channel.

However certain provisions in the current arrangement have to be overhauled in the next phase (e.g., reducing the implementation role of the ministry, creating more gender specific indicators for each activity, more pro-active sharing of information, the ministry assuming a more coordinating and supervisory function as regards gender mainstreaming, etc).

The overall objective of the current project is “to ensure that both women and men benefit from the economic, social, legal and political programmes so that both women and men realize the goals of Tanzania Development Vision and the National Poverty Eradication Strategy”. The specific objectives of the project also contain some direct gender mainstreaming provisions as do the outputs and some of the activities. It is undisputable that the implementation of the above project has experienced varying reviews. While some of the ministry staff express the implementation of the project as successful, albeit slow and cautious, the development cooperation partner has viewed it as inadequate and sometimes grossly wanting. The dissatisfaction has at times prompted Ireland Aid to question whether the current design is conducive to both partners. While the ministry points a finger at restricted flexibility in the implementation pace, Ireland Aid has questioned whether funding has been utilized effectively and timely.

It is the opinion of this consultant that changes and modifications are necessary in the next CSP. These changes are called for in regards to especially the implementation modalities. Since the MCDWAC, as all sector ministries are currently designated or dissuaded not to handle direct implementation[11] of projects there is a strong need to replace this role through the involvement of other alternative actors (as is done through the UNDP support package).

Lessons Learned in practices for Gender Mainstreaming

The most common weaknesses in unsuccessful programmes and projects seems to be: the lack of gendered outputs in the programme/project design; absence of gender analysis training for programme/project staff; inadequate level of awareness raising among the beneficiaries; and, the absence of gender indicators for monitoring and evaluation. These were the most recurrent weaknesses within programmes/projects that appeared to be least successful in gender mainstreaming.

Factors that affect efforts at Gender Mainstreaming

Perhaps the most important factor that affects gender mainstreaming, is the indifference or confusion in the field as regards the Tanzania Government or Ireland Aid gender mainstreaming objectives. There is at times uncertainty or poor conviction on the advantages of institutionalising gender mainstreaming, as defined in the Ireland Aid Gender and Development policy. Factors that prevent gender mainstreaming include:

  • sector advisers not being directly accountable for gender mainstreaming function in their sectors;
  • unavailability of resources specifically targeted at promoting or effecting gender mainstreaming in each sector;
  • poor monitoring of impact or output in gender mainstreaming;
  • original design of most programmes/projects not linking gender mainstreaming to either the Beijing Platform for Action, the Ireland Aid Gender and Development policy nor Tanzania’s areas of commitment as regards the Platform for Action; and,
  •  inadequate resources allocated for gender mainstreaming.


Nevertheless, the overall picture shows that chances for success in gender mainstreaming are improved when the project objectives, output and activities are gendered.

Nature and origin of identified problems

Most weaknesses in gender mainstreaming were caused by inadequate skills on gender analysis, and insufficient understanding of the conceptual linkages between gender and macro level project activities. As evident from the review, weaknesses were mainly experienced as concerns the creation of gendered objectives, gender outputs, training of women, gender awareness raising, formulation of a gender sensitive activity approach, promotion of linkages with gender positive actors, and use of gender indicators, where most of the reviewed projects were weak. These problems arise due several factors. These are:

•           gender insensitive cultural subsystem within programme/project management (e.g., a gender subdued management culture that places weak emphasis on gender mainstreaming and the general absence of an affirmative action policy to ease constraints on female involvement at all levels of Ireland Aid funded projects and programmes);
•           poor cooperate learning environment as regards gender mainstreaming requirements (e.g., the absence of an articulate criteria or checklists for reviewing programmes/projects);
•           weak assignment of tasks and responsibilities on gender mainstreaming among programme/project management or staff (e.g., inadequate location of responsibility for ensuring gender mainstreaming among the leadership);
•           inadequate expertise among most project staff in gender mainstreaming (e.g., inadequately designed staff development or training programmes for increasing the level of understanding among programme staff on the methodologies and processes for gender mainstreaming in their respective sectoral areas);
•           insufficient room for manoeuvre as concerns gender mainstreaming in programme/project activities (e.g., none accountable procedures among programme/project staff in mainstreaming gender); and lastly,

Main lessons in Gender Mainstreaming at the Ireland Aid Tanzania Country 
Office

Lessons emanating from the current review reveal that work is required in institutionalization of the gender mainstreaming policy; the enhancement of competence and understanding of the policy and its implications for Ireland Aid funded work; and, setting in place an appropriate framework for the formulation, implementation and evaluation of programmes from a gender perspective.

Key elements in promoting Gender Mainstreaming.

•           facilitating or promoting the establishment of gender teams in each of the programme or project supported by Ireland Aid;
•           effecting detailed consultations with gender experts who are trained in health, governance, education, agriculture, and other relevant specializations (or vice versa), to help the Ireland Aid Country Office to establish more penetrating and effective gender mainstreaming interventions that are based on gender analysis (e.g., programme/project management should utilise gender trained consultants or experts in their normal consultancies and request these to produce a gender perspective of the work or issues they are assigned to work on. TGNP is one local organisation where such expertise is located, and therefore accessed);
•           increasing awareness on the importance of gender issues and concerns to all management personnel and key staff in Ireland Aid supported projects as a prerequisite for achieving the Government’s commitment to the Beijing Platform of Action, as well as the Ireland Aid Country Office’s gender mainstreaming objectives at within the Country Strategy and programme levels (e.g., all key staff employed through Ireland Aid funded support should undergo a 2 day gender analysis and gender planning training.
•           gender analysis training, for all other key project or programme staff. Such training should be regular (with new objectives and content rather than a one stop measure);
•           if possible, programmes/projects could select a gender focal point among its top senior management staff who would undergo more in-depth and more intensive training in gender analysis on specific project related issues -such as gender budgeting, gender monitoring, gender analysis matrix, creation of gender strategies, etc.

Relevance, Effectiveness, Efficiency and Impact of Ireland Aid’s Gender Mainstreaming activities

Generally, the existing principles for gender mainstreaming are clearly articulated in the guiding principles for IA. This is being considered as a good practice. But, translation of these principles into operational plans, strategies; is not thoroughly done in some of the country program components. In the majority, gender is amiss in regards to: the situation analysis; in overall and specific objectives; and, more often, gets ‘smuggled’ in the strategy. As a result, gender sensitive indicators for monitoring are near always missing.

At the project level, the Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation & Management Programme has provided abundant good practices where gender has been systematically and consciously incorporated from the initial stages of problem analysis. These ranges of good practices are namely in regards to engendering of the: goals; objectives; strategies; and, development of gender specific monitoring and evaluation variables. This definitely provides sound lessons for the sector support on one effective way of how to incorporate gender in a methodical manner. The support to the Districts in developing district gender strategies, does provide additional lessons for mainstreaming gender in planning processes at this level. All three districts have developed gender strategies, carried out situation analysis, and topped this with capacity building of the district team.

Gender Budgeting?

A brief overview of the Ireland Aid Country Strategy budget reveals that gender is not articulated as a specific factor in the budgeting process. The observations indicate that it is assumed that gender aspects shall have been mainstreaming in all budgetary items. Nevertheless, a detailed review of the same budget reveals that, the only readily observable itemized budget for gender capacity building is the allocation directed to the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children. This item, a sub item in governance section, has an annual budget allocation equivalent to 0.2% of the total annual budget for the country program. This is indeed an inconsequential amount.  Moreover, still, there is no separate funding to enable the HIV/AID & Gender Adviser have a separate budget to support mainstreaming activities including building the capacity of senior staff, Programme Officers and other support staff in the Embassy.

Perhaps, the only allocations where gender budgeting might be given a benefit of doubt is in regards to the programmes where gender mainstreaming has proved to be successful, e.g., TCZCDP, in District Development Programmes, the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Agriculture & Food Security[12]

Measures for Monitoring and Evaluating Ireland Aid’s Gender Mainstreaming 
activities.

According to Cathy Gaynor’s report “Irish Aid Policy on Gender on an Operational Footing”, monitoring of gender concerns was deemed as inadequate. The report showed that “progress is not tracked in any systematic fashion” and that “information is scattered and not properly analysed or tracked internally.” However, it is evident from this current mapping exercise, that this 1995 situation has improved somewhat. Observations show that some of the programmes (e.g., the Health sector SWAp; the Education sector SWAp; the District Development Programmes; and the Natural Resources programmes), are struggling to create inbuilt mechanisms that enable the checking of whether things are going according to plan and therefore enable adjustments to be made methodically. Most of the above programmes’ staff have gained awareness that monitoring makes it possible to check assumptions against performance, and also facilitate for charting progress or achievements. Monitoring is therefore gaining credence as a method for detecting unintended results; identifying difficulties; plotting trends; accounting for resources; indicating where or how a plan should be adjusted; and lastly, for improving future practice.

Nonetheless, as far as the Ireland Aid supported programmes are concerned, the aspect of designing and using monitoring indicators in gender mainstreaming as well as the evaluation of its impact, is still ad hoc rather than routine. It is the opinion of this consultant that there is a great need for additional facilitation of regular and comprehensive monitoring of changes in Ireland Aid supported sectors and programmes (e.g., the gender specific monitoring indicators should relate to the programme aims, objectives and the specific activities being supported).

At present the Tanga Coastal Zone Conservation and Development Programme has engaged a full monitoring process right from the village level to the programme level. The system consists of both quantitative indicators (which provide insights into the implementation progress e.g., women's participation rates) and qualitative indicators (which monitor the immediate impact of the change, e.g., women's increased contribution to meetings or their increased level of confidence in various community engagements). In the same TCZCDP programme, monitoring at the district level has been designed to be effected by the district gender team members. The monitoring is structured to address at least 13 areas of concern in mainstreaming of gender (those relating to the community representation structures, e.g., women and men's experiences and interpretation of their reality; pressure of political constituencies; representative political structures; political commitment; those relating to the administrative organs, e.g., resources; policy and planning; mainstreaming of location for responsibility for gender issues; procedures; staff development; and, delivery of projects or programmes; and the third relate to knowledge development, e.g., research; theory building and methodology).

[Extracted from a report titled “Mapping of Ireland Aid’s Current Gender Mainstreaming Efforts to Implement IA’s Policy and Strategy for the Promotion of Gender Equality across Country Strategies and Programmes.” Prepared by Mr. Edward H. Mhina. GAD Consult ]

[1]               paragraph 3.2.1
[2]               Report on Gender Diagnosis of SDC Supported Projects. A TGNP Consultancy for the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). March 1999.
[3]               Ibid.
[4]               Malaria is one of the leading killer diseases that causes anemia in women and pregnant mothers which ultimately contribute to the increased cases of maternal mortality rates.
[5]               Institutional Strengthening in the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives Agricultural Sector Programme support (ASPS), page…25.
[6]               Ibid, page…
[7]               Sub Programme on Gender Mainstreaming in Agricultural Development.
[8]               The level of success needs to be appreciated.  For example, the participation of women in village environment committees (VECs) is nearly 40% and in the Central Co-ordination Committees (CCC) is between 25 – 38%. This very good success rate taking into consideration the nature of the coastal communities in Tanzania or even in East Africa Region. 

[9]               See Edward H Mhina’s Report on “Gender Roles Profile: Tongoni Village (Migombani hamlet)”. TCZCDP, December 1998. This was part of the exercise to train TCZCDP staff in gender profiling and how to create monitoring indicators and tools ffrom programme level to village level. December 1998.
[10]             See Edward H. Mhina’s “Report on Establishment of Gender Strategies for Gender Mainstreaming in Muheza District Council’s District Development Programme DDP 2003 to 2006”. The report was prepared in August 2002.
[11]             The current programme document between Ireland Aid and the MCDWAC mentions the ministry as the implementing agency.
[12]             Tanzania Gender Networking Programme has undertaken Gender Budgeting Research in the Ministry of Health and also the Ministry of Agriculture & Food Security. The research had shown where there were weaknesses and strengths. Moreover, these ministries are among the six pilot ministries where the government has engaged a full gender budgeting exercise.

Thursday, December 8, 2011

Women and Roads: A View on grassroots women road builders in Morogoro Rural District

The goal for full involvement of male and female community members throughout the development process in not new. To ensure that this is achieved, gender mainstreaming or institutionalization as well as the designing of strategic actions for supporting gender sensitivity are the norm. But perhaps it is not unusual to ask such questions as: why gender mainstreaming is needed in projects or programmes; how the gender mainstreaming shall be effected; or, what levels of gender mainstreaming are desirable at programme, project, institution, collaborator, and beneficiary or user level.

Gender mainstreaming in roadworks: Morogoro Rural District

The fact that gender issues are not provided systematic consideration in roadwork activities is undeniable. For instance, in Morogoro Region, employment of labourers for roadworks in government sponsored road construction activities does not capitalise on the established comparative advantages of employing female labourers, as compared to male labourers. Although it is an established fact among contractors and some of the male engineers, that women labourers are comparatively better than their male colleagues, yet, no specific priority is given to female labourers.

Also, the approach to female labourers is normally very gender stereotyped. When employed, they are directed to types of tasks that remind of the domestic gender division of labour. Moreover, most of the regional engineers are indifferent to promoting the employment of more female workers in road works, for no good reason.

A bit of commendable inroads have been achieved by the Gender Expert in the Regional Engineer’s Office Through hard work, she has managed to identify female Petty Traders that could be upgraded into full small scale contractors. Furthermore, she has identified need to promote female Petty Contractors and an entry point into getting more women into the field. It is obvious that gender blindness exists in most activities because the selection of beneficiaries is usually not focused on meeting gender differentiated needs. Therefore most roadworks projects or programmes have no specific priority given to female labourers or contractors.

Opinions of road contractors on women road builders

    In a meeting held with contractors involved in one of the donor funded roads support projects in Morogoro region, whereby more than 25 contractors (1 female), attended, it was revealed that some of the contractors were gender aware and positively inclined towards gender issues. Even quotations given in Tenders by the contractors, contain a breakdown on the number of female and male employees in the tendering firm. Nevertheless, they all demanded a gender sensitisation event. According to the contractors, they keep statistics on both male and female labourers. These records on labourers are disaggregated by sex. Female labourers normally constitute up to 50% of labourers on site clearing work.
   
Advantages of employing female labourers were numerous. They included that: they are hard working; are not unnecessarily argumentative like men; are consistent (do their work diligently); are dependable (do not cause unnecessary trouble); are recommended for site clearing work; road formation work construction of culverts; grader spreading work; cooking and making aggregates). Also it was especially emphasised that when they get paid (which is equally to male employees) they head straight home with their income instead of meandering like their male colleagues). Therefore, income earned by female labourers goes straight into supporting families in items such as food, schooling, clothing, health and other social requirements. As concerns disadvantages of employing female labourers. The contractors mentioned that these included the facts that: they cannot throw soil upwards (e.g., in ditch making); they are still not fully attracted to roadworks (they find it too demanding compared to household work); they are sometimes restricted to participate by their husbands; they are often left out when more equipment is used (e.g., in road formation, and culvert works).

The contractors had several additional opinions on employing more female labourers. They mentioned that female labourers can do anything (there is no permanent limit). Up to 50% of employees in site clearance could easily be female. Drainage works is another area where female labourers could make at east 30% of employees. The contractors however, had the view that it was the government technical or engineering staff that was not positively inclined towards employment of female labourers. They thought the reasons might be that most government staff are not well acquainted with gender issues (not sufficiently gender sensitive). Other reasons included: government staff (the client) prefers equipment based work which limits the involvement of female community members. For instance, up to 75% of employees in Vatican Maintenance Company are female (but REO’s office disqualified the labour intensive approach and did not give a conducive alternative).

In order to increase the number of female labourers in roadworks interventions, the contractors suggested that: there should be more female bosses at road sites, because male bosses are sometimes abusive to female labourers; training more women in bridge and road works; awarding routine maintenance jobs to female labourers or groups; and, promoting female Petty Contractors in routine maintenance works. They concluded that, giving more support to women could imply up to 60% of labourers being female. 50% of employees in all casual work could easily be female (as a matter of fact, 40% was the proposed minimum by the contractors). They added that, skilled female labourers are available at VETA.


Factors that determine women’s participation in roadworks

There are obviously numerous such factors that determine or influence women’s participation in roadworks, however, these may include:

      inadequacies in the recruitment system (male dominated and sex biased recruitment);
      cultural norms, attitudes and biases (that it is only strong muscular men who are required for road work);
      lack of support services an incentives at work sites (sanitary facilities or child care services);
      insufficient skills and knowledge of conventional techniques or technologies (inadequate prior experience in road or construction work);
      inadequate information of requirement for female labour on road sites.

Detrimental effects to women’s participation in roadworks

There are obviously numerous such factors that determine or influence women’s participation in roadworks, however, these may include:

      inadequate attention to domestic household tasks (women have to pay for replacement labour on tasks that are culturally theirs);
      unfair or unjust treatment or victimisation (inadequate experience to employment exposes women to victimisation);
      sexual harassment (sexual favours could be demanded in exchange of recruitment);
      insufficient skills and knowledge of conventional techniques or technologies (inadequate prior experience in road or construction work);
      inadequate information of requirement for female labour on road sites.

Case Study # 1: Female Labourers at the Techno site

An account of women labourers

During a field visit to roadworks  sites in Morogoro’s Road Support Project activities (MRSP), I had an opportunity to meet face to face with a gang of female labourers. They mentioned their names as, Mariam Stephano, Salima Abdul, Sauda Mfaume and Kurwa Ali. They were employed by the Techno Construction firm. Although they were initially six in their group, only 4 remain. The other women have fallen out due to increased demand for labour in their farm work.

This was necessary for them to drop out because the roadwork starts at 08:00 in the morning and ends after 17:00 in the evening. The female labourers said they normally work for 9 days before breaking. Their tasks include: slashing grass (a ratio of 9 women to 17 men), digging trenches, leveling the road (4 women to 17 men), assisting in culvert construction (only 1 woman has participated), drainage making (4 women to 17 men), and sweeping (only the 4 women sweep roads). When I came across them, they were raking and leveling the road sides.

The female labourers do not partake in such tasks as those involving throwing soil upwards. The women were recruited through a public announcement (where a drum was used to call people to meet in February 1998). In the public meeting, it was announced that women were encouraged to join in the road works. Recruitment was done in terms of stretches. The female groups acknowledge that roadwork is more difficult than domestic household chores, especially digging and throwing soil onto upper banks. However the work provides them with a steady income even in off farm seasons. The money helps in meeting the costs for family food requirements, school fees and uniforms, sicknesses and the occasional domestic emergencies or disasters.

According to the group, women labourers are reknown for the following characteristics: they rarely argue with their foremen; they do not answer abusively, their work is excellent. They are paid every fortnight, and work each day of the week. They claimed to have gotten used to each other. Women’s involvement in roadworks was previously thought as a far fetched idea. They said such work was considered as male.Therefore before the meeting where women’s involvement was clearly demanded, the women had never thought of taking up such work. The skills they have so far gained include mixing concrete and making aggregates. Their key fear was what would happen when the employer moves to another site. Being women, they considered it impossible to move with the employer. Also, since they had not formed a group, they were thus uncertain on their future.

An account of the Site Supervisor

According to the site supervisor, Mr. Moses Kwameka, when the project started most women hesitated to come and take up work. This was also fueled by the supervisor’s fear for working with women labourers because he had never done so before. But the firm’s boss, Mr. Phares Jacob, encouraged the site supervisor to recruit female labourers. The supervisor said women labourers are better workers. They take initiative, and one does not need to follow-up on them. They perform well and are harder working than their male colleagues.

Most of the female employed by the firm are of Luguru origin. Most of them view roadwork as tough, some withdraw after failing. He pointed ditch digging and ridge making as the toughest jobs if one uses handtools. The site supervisor employs labourers according to demand. According to his ledger, on 18th September 1998 and onwards, there were 9 women labourers among 33 employees; on 1st to 15th October 1998, they had 8 female labourers among 28 labourers; and, between 1st and 15th November 1998, there were 6 female employees among 26 labourers. The women were responsible for cleaning the ditches, curving backslopes, removing roots and levelling. Mr. Kwameka suggests that women labourers could be encouraged to participate more, but they are hindered by their own fear to venture out, and their husbands’ jealousy.

Case Study # 2: Female Labourers at the Alliance site

On visiting the Expo Alliance Group, I was met with Mr. Lucas Mwita, who was a site manager. Mr. Mwita mentioned that there was indeed importance in recruiting women as labourers on roadworks.  He nevertheless insisted that roadworks are hard. His site is lead by 2 all male staff. There were around 15 to 20 labourers employed by the firm at the moment of visiting. During peak labour demand period, they had employed up to 40 labourers on site clearance work. Fifty percent of the labourers were female. Women labourers came to the office for employment, from the neighbouring villages. Labourers are paid Shs. 1000/= daily, during peak periods, and Shs. 1500/= during non-peak periods.

He said women were known to be diligent workers, similar to men. However, he mentioned that most of those who join labourer positions are single parents. The type of work women labourers do most involves: site clearance, ditch digging, water fetching, removal of stones during road formation stage, removal of other debris on the road.  Mr. Mwita believes women should be encouraged to participate more in such activities as site clearance, road formation, construction of culverts, stock piling of murram, grader spreading and bowser or roller compaction. The tasks that are considered difficult for women labourers to do include: boulder removal, digging and throwing soil upwards, and concrete work.

Case Study # 3:   Female Labourers at the Seco Engineering site

Seco engineers and Contractors group, had employed more than 140 labourers at its peak period (e.g., during site clearing). Female labourers made up more than 50% of the labourers then). Women came on their own will; there were no special efforts to cajole them. Nevertheless, Mr. Christopher Kisanga, the site supervisor, emphasised that more women come out if you call them. However, the firm uses age to filter out those not needed.

The tasks most of the women did involved fetching drinking water. Few women were involved in assisting in road formation work, building of culverts and helping in mixing of mortar (one woman was knowledgeable in mixing mortar, she learned on the job). These tasks recruited few women because machines were used and sometimes skills were required. Women are paid Shs. 1,000/= daily as labourers. Masons are paid up to Shs. 2,500/= daily (mostly male). The site supervisor was of the opinion that women labourers work better than their male colleagues. They are not troublesome, they work neatly, and they need not repeat a task. He mentioned that male labourers are normally argumentative and rush their work so that they leave early, and thus the quality is poor. The tough tasks for women are trench digging, because the soil is rocky. Women’ participation was recommended in jobs such as: site clearance, road formation, labour intensive spreading or leveling, and supplying water for drinking.

[TGNP's Gender and Development Seminar Series- GDSS Paper by Edward Mhina. Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP), August 1999]

Bibliography



ITECO                                                  “Morogoro Roads Support Project (MRSP). Phase III,  1996 - 1999.’’ Project Document. May 1996.

WARIOBA, Christine & MHINA, Edward. ’Report on Gender Diagnosis of SDC Supported Projects’’      A TGNP Consultancy Report, March 1998.

KAFANABO, Joyce, Et Al.,                   ‘’Study on Women Participation in Road Works in the Coast Region.’’ DANIDA, August 1998.

Tuesday, December 6, 2011

Food Security and Insecurity in Tanzania: A Gender Perspective

Introduction

Initially, in the early 1970s, the concept of food security concerned “the ability of countries to secure adequate food supplies”[1]. However over the years, this concept has been developed to include a focus on food security at local level” and all the way down to households and individuals. Food security can be defined as a situation whereby “everyone has at all times access to and control over sufficient quantities of good quality food for an active healthy life[2]”. The key elements of food security should therefore include: the ease of use of quantity quality food supply; and well as, prerogative or right to use food through purchases, swap and claims.

Food security is driven by these two key prerequisites. Households require food to be available near the homestead, as well as have entitlement towards it. There are obviously a number of factors that come into play in determining a household’s or a community’s access to food. These factors include immediacy to centers of production or supply, market forces, restrictions on buying and selling, and politics. These are some of the crucial determinants for food insecurity. Nevertheless, a household’s entitlements to food determine the ability of it acquiring adequate supplies. There are four types of entitlements that can further be derived: production based entitlements; own-labour entitlements; inheritance and transfer entitlements; and, trade based entitlements. Food insecurity is more pronounced when some or all of the above entitlements are unattainable to the individual, household or community. This is perhaps a point in place where gender differentials and poverty have a strong influence on which individual, household or community will be most affected by food insecurity. Definitions of food security by staff from the Same VECO office ranged from: number of bags of maize a household has after harvesting; financial reserves; number of livestock or poultry; possibility to survive at least one harvest failure; having more than one acre plot; having access to other food crops besides maize; and, having access to markets. However, some of NGOs in the district have defined food security as encompassing: sufficient access to land; sufficient income levels; good storage facilities; having options to drought problems; being independent from relatives; and, high food crop production. Overall food security was linked to sufficiency in maize production.

Gender Dimension of Food Insecurity

Gender relations at the household and community level have a direct influence in regards to: gender division of labour in production, management, and preparation of food; as well as gender differentials in regards to access and or control of food outside the home, or general access to and the management of resources[3]. Inadequate control over means of production and decision making makes women more vulnerable to uncertainties and risk in agricultural production. Insufficient access to land and labour limits the area cultivated, and hence denies women headed households increased productivity. Where men control the output and have a final say on it, “it is very easily misused on non-household beneficial expenditure like drinking alcohol, prostitution and many more”.[4]  Food insecurity may be higher in some households due to the basic fact that agricultural produce “is the only source of food and income for, health, clothing, emergency and education expenditures with little supplement from non-agricultural activities”.[5] In this regard, it is essential that an analysis of gender relations is executed so as to map how women and men, or male and female youths or children, fare as concerns food insecurity.

Food Insecurity in Tanzania

Agricultural system in Tanzania is largely rain dependent and highly vulnerable to climatic fluctuations (the norm since 1996), especially the semi arid and arid areas of central and northern Tanzania. Pitiable access to water and declining soil fertility are the main limiting factors to agricultural production. A large part of the country is considered semi arid. Weather patterns have of recent deviated greatly from traditional seasons, and remain to the best part unpredictable. Irrigated land makes up only 4.3 % of the total area. Nevertheless, agriculture accounts for 89% of water used in the country, and contributes not less than 50% of the GDP. Eighty percent of the agricultural production in Tanzania is undertaken by small farmers using simple basic technology.

Food insecurity in Tanzania has increased over the recent decade. Number of undernourished people has also increased from 23% to 40% in the past decade, with the average daily per capita calorie supply at 2’054 against the world average of 2’709. Severe underweight afflicts nearly 27% of the under five children, with 42% being under their rightful height.  Production of staples in the northern regions of Tanzania has been largely below average, with maize production being 69% under expectations. Cereal production in 1998 was at 3.8 million tonnes (e.g., 0.14 kilogrammes per capita), and the average yield per hectare was 1.21 tonnes. Yields have declined by 6.7% in the past ten years.

Although overall food production has increased by 17% since 1981, per capita food production has fallen by 19.7% due to a faster population growth rate. For a successive number of years the country has experienced drought induced food deficits. Household food reserves and coping mechanisms have been greatly affected, with a large proportion of rural households experiencing dire straits. Coping mechanisms at the household level are reduced to a few options such as: reduction on calorific intake; migration to other areas; and, sale of productive assets. More than fifty per cent of the population in Tanzania lives below the national poverty line (e.g., below $1 a day). The bimodal and unimodal rainfall patterns in the northern and coastal areas play a huge role in this demise. In June-July 2003 food insecurity in Tanzania was diagnosed at 77’490 metric tonnes (affecting more than 2 million people).

The 2002/03 farming season saw below average rainfall, with food crops falling between 30% and 50% in affected areas. However an assessment conducted by the “Food Security Information Team” in June 2003 in 52 districts, revealed that 70% of normal production was lost[6]. The national food balance sheet for the 2003/04 period shows a gap of about 502’000 metric tonnes of grain (the net harvests for 2003 are estimated at 7.69 metric tonnes as compared to 8.57 million tonnes in the previous year). An assessment undertaken by the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security in 72 districts showed that most households were to face food shortages due to the erratic rainfall patterns, until the June-September harvest in 2004. Food deficit of around 800’000 metric tonnes, or 10% of consumption requirements, was observed in a large number of districts during the 2002/2003 farming season. Price increases were the direct result of the deficit, with many poor households suffering. Sale of household maize reserves for cash to manage other household expenses aggravated household food insecurity in Tanzania.

Food Insecurity in Kilimanjaro Region[1]

The 2002 census figures show that the population in Kilimanjaro region was at 1’381’140 million inhabitants (whereas 713’284 were female). Population growth rate has dropped slightly from 2.1% in the 1978-1988 periods to 1.6% in the 1988-2002 periods. Total number of households in Kilimanjaro was at 297’439 houses, with an average of 4.6 inhabitants per household. Population density in the region is at 104 inhabitants per square kilometer, which is outpaced only by Mwanza region on the Mainland. About three quarters of the population lives in the rural areas with reliance on agriculture and livestock keeping. GDP earnings in Kilimanjaro region increased from shillings 1.9 billion in 1980 to shillings 72.8 billion in 1994. However in terms of per capita income, Kilimanjaro residents ranked 8th in the country in 1994, with 55’716 shillings (compared to Dar Es Salaam’s per capita of 197’000 shillings per resident). Life expectancy in 1988 was 59 years (with men living to an average 57 years and women to 62 years), and infant mortality rate at 92 in 1994. Literacy rate in the region was at around 95% in 1988. Primary schools numbered 701 and secondary schools were at 91.

The National Sample Census of Agriculture 1994/95 (Tanzania Mainland, Report, Volume III, April 1996), shows that out of 196’277 heads of household in Kilimanjaro region, 24’255 were women (12.3%). According to a World Food Programme report[2], Same and Mwanga Districts were the most food deprived districts in Kilimanjaro region in December 2003 and March 2004. Out of a total population of 327’945 people in the two districts (212’325 in Same and 115’620 in Mwanga), 57’838 (18% of the population), were facing food insecurity (34’819 in Same and 23’019 in Mwanga). The critical months were December 2003 and January 2004. Food requirements were estimated at a total 1’152 metric tonnes (694 tonnes for Same District and 459 for Mwanga district).

Profile of the Case Study Area in Same District

Same District comprises of about 5’186 square kilometers. The district is divided into 6 divisions, with 24 Wards. There are not less than 72 villages in the district (of which 16 are supplied with electricity or 1’497 out of 28’831 households in 1994). The 2002 census places the population in Same district at 212’325 inhabitants (up from 170’053 inhabitants in 1988), with 108’805 being female (51.2%). Population density was at 5.6 people per square kilometer in 1988. Number of households in the district was at 30’337 in 1998 (44’474 in 2002), with the average unit having at least 5.9 inhabitants (rural) and 4.8 inhabitants (urban). Nearly two fifths or 44% of the inhabitants have access to clean water. Rainfall in Same District averages at 500 to 2000 millimeter per annum, with temperatures ranging at 15 to 30 degrees centigrade. Up to 44% of the population in the district receives safe drinking water (38% of the urban population). There were at least 6 rivers and 52 traditional irrigation canals in the district. Half of the roads in Same District are classified as all-weather.

Agricultural activities and livestock keeping are the main economic activities undertaken by the majority of the inhabitants in the district. Maize, beans, sorghum, cassava, sweet potatoes, paddy, Irish potatoes, and bananas, are the main food crops grown by farmers in Same District. Maize is the most important staple food in the district, and widely used in making the staple meals of “ugali” and “makande”. However, the lowland areas of Same District do not receive sufficient rainfall to support the growing of maze, with only each third season‘s harvest being abundant. 

Persistent stubbornness by most of the district’s residents in sticking to maize is one of the main reasons for persisting food insecurity in the district. Sell of maize harvests is higher among poorer households than the richer, mainly due to the fact that poorer households have fewer alternatives for attending their immediate cash problems (e.g., cash requirements for school fees and uniforms, health costs, etc), and thus expose themselves further towards food insecurity, and both Njoro and Kisiwani Wards produce not too far from the district’s average yield per acre, which is 315 kilogrammes per acre (e.g., Njoro produces 283 kilogrammes per acre as compared to 333 kilogrammes per acre at Kisiwani). It is obvious that maize is therefore is at the very epicenter of the food insecurity problem in Same District. Coffee, cotton, cardamom, sunflower and sisal, are the other main cash crops. Two thirds of the Same District’s land area is taken up by Mkomazi Game Reserve (there are also Kalimawe and Ruvu Game Reserves), with not less than 11 forest reserves in the district. Livestock kept are mainly indigenous cattle (123’259 head in 1993/94), goats (110’893) and sheep (37’345).

Women and Agricultural Production

Overall the statistics in Tanzania show that there are 11’561’146 women (compared to 10’823’942 males), among the usually active population above 10 years of age. Agriculture is the mainstay for 84% of females as well as 74% of the males in the above categories. Nevertheless, traditional agriculture employs more than 13’694’935 inhabitants. Domestic help cleaner work, farm hands and labourers are the other occupations for most women (4.7%), and men (7.5%). Personal service work is the third main occupation for women, and poultry farming for men. Looking at the active employed population, it is evident that 88% of the women and 83% of the men are engaged in agriculture, followed by industry, trade and personal service.  Women dominate in housework related duties (66.5% of its workforce), and private traditional agriculture (52.3%). Men on the other hand dominated almost entirely in parastatal organisations (81.4%), NGO/party or religious organisations (76%), central and local government work (67%), and the private informal sector (59.3%).

On employment status, the survey showed that women had an upper hand as regards unpaid family helper (61.4%), and in own farm or shamba (52.3%). Men on the contrary were dominant in paid employees, self employed (70.7%), with employees (70.2%), and self employed without employees (56.6%). This proves that women were considered as unpaid family helpers, and men were favoured as regards work which carried financial remuneration. The overall mean income for women was 38’888 shillings as compared to 54’423 shillings for men. An earlier study by VECO Same, showed that average annual household income for high resource households at Kisiwani and Njoro Wards was between 1.3 to 1.9 million shillings while the low resourced households had between 346’000 to 379’000 shillings respectively. 

The study also showed that the high resource households earned more from sales of surplus produce (92% of the income), rather than sales of food (8% of the income), while the low resource households depended relatively more on sale of food crops than the well resourced families (44% of the income). The average daily income for the richer households in Same District was projected as being at USD $10.00, while in the poorer households, it was at less than USD $ 0.75.  Obviously this implies that most of these households live below the poverty line. Moreover, the poorer households were seen to spend more of their resources on the food budget, and thus left little else for other family requirements.

Roles and Tasks of Women in Agriculture[3]

It is undeniable that women in Africa are the backbone of agricultural production. Women account for 70% of the labour, 60% of the production, and 80% of food crop produced. However, their long term benefits from the sector remain vague. Role of women in agricultural production is largely misrepresented due to myths and sheer neglect to accounting for the value of women’s contribution. Women remain invisible to the eyes of most male practitioners, due to cultural and social constraints. Current gender blindness excludes women. Tanzania’s Agriculture Policy acknowledges the fact that women perform most of the tasks in crop farming. The policy reads; “It is estimated that the ratio of males to females in the agricultural sector is 1:1.5. Women in Tanzania produce about 70% of the food crops and also bear substantial responsibilities for many aspects of export crops and livestock production. However, their access to productive resources (land, water, etc.) supportive services (marketing services, credit and labour saving facilities, etc.) and income arising from agricultural production is severely limited by social and traditional factors.[4]

Decision Making and Property within Farmer Households

A pilot census carried out by the Central Census Office of the National Bureau of Statistics[5] in March 2001, showed that there were many more shared incidents of decision making between the sexes, with 43% of decisions being shared. Men dominated in deciding over aspects such as education of children (41%, compared to women’s 24%), and land use (39%, compared to women’s 25%). The only aspect where women had a relative domination was in regards to health care (27% to men’s 24%). As mentioned earlier, shared decision making was the growing pattern. Women’s participation in decision-making is found to be related to their access to resources as well as their role in agricultural production. Determination on who decides on what as regards selling, consumption, processing, or storage of agricultural produce, is undoubtedly based on elaborate gender relations between women and men. An earlier study by the researcher[6] illustrated that land is a scarce commodity in Same District, and therefore hotly contested between the sexes. The current 1999 Land Act and Village Land Act, aims at addressing some of these shortcomings by including provisions that demand consultation with women on jointly managed land properties as well as qualified representation of women in land tribunals.

Women’s Work Burden in Farming

Women’s burden in various activities at the household level emanate mainly from the imbalances in the division of labour between men and women. Data from central Tanzania, shows that while women performed 13 hours of hard work daily (with only 1 hour of apparent rest), men worked only for 7 hours (and rested for at least 3 hours). Women endure excessive burden in their daily lives because besides they have to endure both domestic and non-domestic obligations daily. Most women undergo what is considered as the second working day, which involves: processing agricultural produce, storage of crops, hewing water and fuel wood, and preparation family meals. Migration of male members of households in search of income earning opportunities has also placed more burdens on women, and further shifted the division of labour and obligations at the rural household. Increased responsibilities for women at the farm holding have pushed some women into non-farming income generating activities as a means to supplement their incomes. However, in most situations, women find themselves encountering increased work load in non-remunerative domestic tasks, without the accompanying transfer of entitlements that are necessary (e.g., access and control over factors of production).

[Extracted from a Report titled “Food Security and Gender in Tanzania. Case Study: Same District in Kilimanjaro Region.” By Edward Hiza Mhina. VECO Tanzania & GAD Consult. June 2004.]

[1]           Kilimanjaro Region Socio-Economic Profile, The Planning Commission, Dar Es Salaam.
[2]           Tanzania Emergency Operation Report 10313.0, WFP
[3]           Background: The Economic Position of Women in Agriculture and Rural Society.
[4]           The Agriculture and Livestock Policy, Ministry of Agriculture & Livestock. 1997. Page 3.
[5]           The Pilot Census for the 1999 Population and Housing Census. National Bureau of Statistics. March 2001.
[6]           Edward Mhina, Traditional Irrigation Improvement Programme (TIP) Gender Impact Study. September 1994. Page 43.


[1]           Helen Young, Susanne Jaspars, Rebecca Brown, Jackie Frize and Hisham Khogali. Food Security Assessments in Emergencies: A Livelihood Approach., page 3. ODI..
[2]           Ibid, page 3.
[3]           Ibid, page 73.
[4]           Ndiyo, D., and Urassa, J.K., Gender Imbalance in Agricultural and Non-Agricultural Activities and Its Impact on Household Food Security: A Case Study of Morogoro Rural.
[5]           Ibid.
[6]           Tanzania Emergency Operation Report 10313.0, World Food Programme, WFP.